America's First African-American President: Founding Father Documents on the Executive Branch and African-Americans

It appears that many of the Founding Fathers would have never imagined the events that took place a few weeks ago in the Presidential Election. During the Constitution Convention the debate on African-Americans centered on slavery and representation, not if an African-American was eligible to hold the Chief Executive Office of the United States. In this respect, Barack Obama’s election is a historic first for the United States.

Documents on slavery

During the Convention in the summer of 1787, the warm days were intensified by the debate on slavery. The delegates from the north argued the moral and ethical issues on slave importation. The southern delegates argued the economic necessity for continuing the slave market. Merging these two arguments led to a heated debated.

On August 21, 1787 (located towards the end of the document), Luther Martin, a southerner, labeled the importation of slaves as "inconsistent with the principles of the revolution and dishonorable to the American character."  George Mason warned that the practice of human trafficking risked "the judgment of heaven."

Just as passionate in the debate, the southern delegates were outraged about the direction of the conversation.  Mr. Rutlidge, a southerner, mentioned on August 21, 1787, “Religion & humanity had nothing to do with this question — Interest alone is the governing principle with Nations — The true question at present is whether the Southn.  States shall or shall not be parties to the Union.  If the Northern States consult their interest, they will not oppose the increase of Slaves which will increase the commodities of which they will become the carriers.”

In support of Mr. Rutlidge, Mr. Elseworth, another southern delegate, followed with, “The morality or wisdom of slavery are considerations belonging to the States themselves — What enriches a part enriches the whole, and the States are the best judges of their particular interest.  The old confederation had not meddled with this point, and he did not see any greater necessity for bringing it within the policy of the new one:”

On August 22, 1787, Mr. Dickinson, a lawyer and delegate from Delaware mentioned, “The true question was whether the national happiness would be promoted or impeded by the importation, and this question ought to be left to the National Govt. not to the States particularly interested.  If Engd. & France permit slavery, slaves are at the same time excluded from both those Kingdoms. Greece and Rome were made unhappy by their slaves.”

Mr. Dickenson, who had freed his slaves just a year preceding the Convention of 1787, later said, "[it is] inadmissible on every principle of honor and safety that the importation of slaves should be authorized."

On July 9, 1787, notes from James Madison reveal a debate concerning taxation and representation on African-American slaves.  Mr. Patterson, a New Jersey delegate and proposer of the New Jersey Plan, felt passionate about the subject:

“Mr. Patterson considered the proposed estimate for the future according to the Combined rule of numbers and wealth, as too vague. For this reason N. Jersey was agst. it.  He could regard negroes slaves in no light but as property.  They are no free agents, have no personal liberty, no faculty of acquiring property, but on the contrary are themselves property, & like other property entirely at the will of the Master.  Has a man in Virga. a number of votes in proportion to the number of his slaves? and if Negroes are not represented in the States to which they belong, why should they be represented in the Genl. Govt. What is the true principle of Representation?  It is an expedient by which an assembly of certain individls. chosen by the people is substituted in place of the inconvenient meeting of the people themselves.  If such a meeting of the people was actually to take place, would the slaves vote? they would not.  Why then shd. they be represented.  He was also agst. such an indirect encouragement. of the slave trade; observing that Congs. in their act relating to the change of the 8 art: of Confedn. had been ashamed to use the term “Slaves” & had substituted a description.”

Documents on the Executive Branch

The conversation concerning the Executive Branch was less heated than that of slavery.  Most in attendance believed George Washington would be the first President, and would therefore set a reasonable precedence for later presidents to follow.

Federalist 69, written in support of ratifying the Constitution, lists the qualifications and responsibilities for the President of the United States.  On a more intimate level, Mr. Wilson observed on December 1, 1787 during the Pennsylvania Ratification Debates:

“The President, sir, will not be a stranger to our country, to our laws, or to our wishes.  He will, under this Constitution, be placed in office as the President of the whole Union, and will be chosen in such a manner that he may be justly styled THE MAN OF THE PEOPLE; being elected by the different parts of the United States, he will consider himself as not particularly interested for anyone of them, but will watch over the whole with paternal care and affection.”

"The Doctor says, he is "not sure that this [is] not the best Constitution that we may expect." Nor can he be sure that it might not have been made better than it now is, if the Convention had adjourned to a distant day, that they might have availed themselves of the sentiments of the people at large. It would have been no great condescension, even in that august Body, to have shown so small a testimony of regard to the judgment of their constituents. Would it not be acting more like men who wish for a safe as well as a stable government, to propose such amendments as would meliorate the form, than to approve it, as the Dr. would have us, "with all its faults, if they are such." Thus the Doctor consents, and hopes the Convention will act heartily and unanimously in recommending the Constitution, wherever their influence may extend, and turn their future tho'ts and endeavors to the means of having it well administered." Even a bad form of government may, in the Doctor's opinion, be well administered-for, says he, there is no form of government, but what may be made a blessing to the people, if well administered. He evidently, I think, builds his hopes, that the Constitution proposed, will be a blessing to the people,-not on the principles of the government itself, but on the possibility, that, with all its faults, it may be well administered."